Faith, Power, and Consequences
The Christian Right
(Danish version further down)
It’s probably not news to most that the U.S. is still heavily shaped by religion. It’s a country where everyone can freely practice their faith—and they really do. For most of the 20th century, there was a reasonably clear separation between church and state, but that began to shift significantly in the 1970s.
In 1973, the landmark Supreme Court decision Roe v. Wade was handed down, establishing that women had a constitutional right to abortion. Before that, some states had allowed it in limited circumstances, but now it became a nationwide right. That ruling also sparked a religious mobilization with one clear goal: to overturn the decision.
Televangelists like Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson quickly rallied millions of religious Americans under a single banner. They realized that moral outrage could be converted into political power—and they built movements that gained massive influence over the political right. The more rebellion, the more power. Soon they were talking about “Family Values” and the need to return to a time when schools didn’t indoctrinate children with ideas about sexuality, homosexuality, or other “controversial” topics. They wanted Bibles back in classrooms, school prayer reinstated, and silence on anything that clashed with their Christian worldview.
Organizations like the Moral Majority emerged with the explicit goal of getting “good Christians” to vote for candidates who would promote biblical values in politics. They gained enormous support—especially in the Southern states, what we call the Bible Belt—and became decisive in Republican election victories.
Ronald Reagan was the first president to fully embrace the Moral Majority. He spoke at Christian conferences, met with pastors, and rewarded their support by appointing conservative judges and championing anti-abortion and pro-family policies. It marked the beginning of the systematic politicization of the courts.
This may not be common knowledge in Denmark, but here in the U.S., judges are appointed by politicians—often based on their religious or ideological beliefs. Judges then “interpret” the law, and that makes them some of the most powerful political actors. In practice, it’s often easier to get the Supreme Court to interpret a law a certain way than to change the law itself. And because new cases constantly arise with technical nuances, old rulings can be challenged—just like Roe v. Wade was overturned under Trump. A new case created the opportunity, and the now conservative-majority court struck it down. Woops—abortion is no longer a constitutional right.
This alliance between the Christian right and the Republican Party is known as The Religious Right. The churches supply the votes, and the Republicans deliver legislation that caters to religious demands—often in extreme ways. This is why evangelical Christians have managed to overlook Trump’s scandals: tax fraud, sexual assault, the Trump University scam. Everything is forgiven as long as he promises Christian dominance. Pastors, however, walk a fine line—if they openly endorse candidates, they risk losing their tax-exempt status. But the message gets across between the lines.
Trump has repaid their support by appointing Christian nationalists to key positions. He launched an initiative to investigate “anti-Christian values,” which is now being used as a pretext to pressure universities into compliance. Harvard, for example, refuses to hand over names of foreign students or students who have protested against Israel—and is being threatened with funding cuts or the deportation of students.
Christian nationalism often comes wrapped in polished language, but in practice, it’s reactionary politics: opposition to immigrants, LGBTQ+ rights, DEI (diversity, equity, inclusion), and demands for Bibles and the Ten Commandments in classrooms. They want to rewrite history books, avoid topics like slavery, and promote a one-sided Christian narrative. Even books that merely mention a child having two dads are banned.
The official Republican Party platform even includes:
“CUT FEDERAL FUNDING FOR ANY SCHOOL PUSHING CRITICAL RACE THEORY, RADICAL GENDER IDEOLOGY, AND OTHER INAPPROPRIATE RACIAL, SEXUAL, OR POLITICAL CONTENT ON OUR CHILDREN.”
That sentence is interpreted in the most extreme way possible. Critical Race Theory—essentially teaching that white people enslaved Black people and that it was terrible—is now framed as something that makes white children feel guilty. So it must go. According to some, slavery was simply a chance to “learn new skills.”
Trump appointed Paula White—a televangelist known for speaking in tongues—to lead the effort against “anti-Christian” influences. (Speaking in tongues refers to when someone during a church service starts babbling nonsensically while writhing on stage. They believe it’s divine communication.) Her movement is part of Project 2025, which seeks a full national Christian transformation. Alongside Linda McMahon (new Secretary of Education), she’s spearheading a wave of initiatives—especially in red states: Bible readings in schools, book bans, Ten Commandments on the walls—the whole package. In short: it’s terrifying.
Here are some of the major initiatives and trends the Republican far-right and Christian nationalists are behind:
Book bans and censorship: Especially in states like Florida and Texas, books are removed from school libraries if they mention racism, slavery, LGBTQ+ people—or even just portray a family with two dads.
“Don’t Say Gay” laws: In several states, teachers are prohibited from discussing gender identity or sexuality, even if a student asks.
Anti-trans legislation: Bans on gender-affirming care for minors, restrictions on sports and bathroom access, and in some cases, surveillance of parents who support their trans children.
Anti-vaccine and anti-public health policy: Under the guise of “religious freedom,” vaccine mandates were aggressively resisted during the pandemic.
School board intimidation: Parent groups backed by the right have harassed teachers and administrators for teaching about race, gender, and inclusion.
Christian foreign policy: Evangelical forces push for unconditional support of Israel—not out of diplomatic interest, but because it fits into their end-times prophecy.
More children, the GOP is pushing for couples (straight of course), to have more children, and perhaps it would be best if women stayed at home bringing them up to. In some cases they are trying to shut down birth prevention too (I consider “the day after pill” birth prevention).
Climate change, God made Earth, and therefore the climate is great. Climate prevention is nonsense, because God controls it. Trump, on the other hand, seems to disagree with green initiatives mostly because democrats are for it. He has shut down almost all initiatives and is pushing oil and coal.
It all ties into one big narrative of control, fear, and the desire to turn back time.
And just to be clear: no one really believes Trump is religious. But everyone’s willing to hold their nose—as long as he delivers the goods.
In California, we can only wait until the federal government starts passing laws around some of these initiatives, it’s a matter of time I’m afraid.
Further reading / context:
DeSantis says Black people benefited from slavery by learning skills like 'being a blacksmith'
Trump has put Christian nationalists in key roles – say a prayer for free speech
Here’s how Trump’s Faith Office and task force against “anti-Christian bias” may work – NPR
Eradicating Anti-Christian Bias – The White House
Brev #16 fra USA
Troen, Magten og Konsekvenserne
Det er næppe en nyhed for de fleste, at USA stadig er stærkt præget af religion. Det er et land, hvor man frit kan dyrke sin tro – og det gør man så, i høj grad. Gennem det meste af det 20. århundrede har der været en nogenlunde adskillelse mellem kirke og stat, men det begyndte at ændre sig for alvor i 1970’erne.
I 1973 faldt den skelsættende højesteretsdom Roe v. Wade, som slog fast, at kvinder havde ret til abort. Før det havde nogle stater tilladt det i begrænset omfang, men med denne dom blev det en landsdækkende rettighed. Det blev samtidig startskuddet til en religiøs mobilisering med ét klart mål: at få den afgørelse omstødt.
Teleevangelister som Jerry Falwell og Pat Robertson samlede hurtigt millioner af religiøse amerikanere under en fælles fane. De opdagede, at moralsk forargelse kunne omsættes til politisk magt – og skabte bevægelser, der fik massiv indflydelse på højrefløjen. Jo mere oprør, jo mere magt. Snart talte de om “Family Values” og behovet for at vende tilbage til en tid, hvor skolen ikke indoktrinerede børn med tanker om seksualitet, homoseksualitet eller andre “kontroversielle” emner. De ville have bibler tilbage i klasselokalerne, skolebøn og tavshed om alt, der afveg fra deres kristne verdensbillede.
Organisationer som Moral Majority opstod med det erklærede mål at få “gode kristne” til at stemme på kandidater, der kunne fremme bibelske værdier i politik. De fik massiv opbakning – især i sydstaterne, det såkaldte Bibelbælte – og blev afgørende for Republikanernes valgsejre.
Ronald Reagan var den første præsident, der for alvor omfavnede Moral Majority. Han talte ved kristne konferencer, mødtes med præster, og kvitterede for deres støtte ved at udnævne konservative dommere og støtte anti-abort- og pro-family-politik. Det blev starten på den systematiske politisering af domstolene.
Måske er det ikke så kendt i Danmark, men her i USA bliver dommere udnævnt af politikere – ofte baseret på deres religiøse overbevisning eller ideologiske holdninger. Dommere “fortolker” loven, og det gør dem til nogle af de vigtigste aktører i det politiske maskinrum. I praksis er det nemmere at få Højesteret til at fortolke en lov “på den rigtige måde” end at ændre selve loven. Og fordi nye retssager konstant dukker op med tekniske detaljer, kan gamle domme tages op igen – som da Roe v. Wade blev omstødt under Trump. En ny sag banede vejen, og de konservative dommere havde flertallet. Woops – så var retten til abort væk.
Denne alliance mellem den kristne højrefløj og Republikanerne kaldes The Religious Right. Kirkerne leverer stemmer, og Republikanerne leverer lovgivning, der imødekommer religiøse ønsker – ofte i ekstrem grad. Det er derfor, evangeliske kristne har kunnet ignorere Trumps skandaler: skattesnyd, seksuelle overgreb, svindel med Trump University. Alt bliver tilgivet, så længe han lover dem kristen dominans. Men præsterne danser på et knivsæg, for hvis de åbent støtter kandidater, risikerer de at miste deres skattefritagelse. Alligevel bliver budskabet leveret mellem linjerne.
Trump har gengældt støtten ved at udnævne kristne nationalister til centrale poster. Han har startet et initiativ mod “anti-kristne værdier”, som nu bruges som undskyldning for at presse universiteter til at adlyde. Harvard nægter f.eks. at udlevere navne på udenlandske studerende eller dem, der har protesteret mod Israel – og trues med at miste støtte eller få deres studerende udvist.
Den kristne nationalisme er ofte pakket ind i pæne ord, men i praksis er det reaktionær politik: modstand mod immigranter, LGBTQ+-rettigheder, DEI-arbejde (diversitet, lighed og inklusion), og krav om bibler og de ti bud i klasselokalerne. De vil omskrive historiebøgerne, undgå emner som slaveri, og promovere en ensidig kristen fortælling. Selv bøger, der nævner, at et barn har to fædre, bliver forbudt.
På det officielle Republikanske partiprogram står bl.a.:
“CUT FEDERAL FUNDING FOR ANY SCHOOL PUSHING CRITICAL RACE THEORY, RADICAL GENDER IDEOLOGY, AND OTHER INAPPROPRIATE RACIAL, SEXUAL, OR POLITICAL CONTENT ON OUR CHILDREN.”
Det bliver fortolket så ekstremt, at det næsten er karikatur: Critical Race Theory handler om at lære om USA’s racediskrimination og slaveri – men det fremstilles som noget, der giver hvide børn dårlig samvittighed. Derfor må det væk. Ifølge nogle er slaveri bare en mulighed for at lære nye færdigheder (Det sagde Ron DeSantis).
Trump har udnævnt Paula White – en tv-prædikant kendt for at tale i tunger – til at lede indsatsen mod “anti-kristne” strømninger. Hendes bevægelse er en del af Project 2025, der søger en fuld national kristen omstilling. Sammen med Linda McMahon (ny undervisningsminister) arbejder hun på en bølge af initiativer, især i konservativt styrede delstater: bibellæsning i skolen, bøger fjernet fra bibliotekerne, de ti bud op på væggen – det hele. Kort sagt: det er skræmmende.
Her er nogle af de vigtigste tiltag og tendenser, som den republikanske højrefløj og de kristne nationalister tår bag:
Bogforbud og censur: Særligt i stater som Florida og Texas fjernes bøger fra skolebiblioteker, hvis de nævner racisme, slaveri, LGBTQ+-personer eller blot har to fædre i en billedbog.
“Don’t Say Gay”-love: I flere stater må lærere ikke nævne kønsidentitet eller seksualitet, selv ikke hvis et barn stiller spørgsmål.
Lovgivning mod transpersoner: Forbud mod kønsskiftebehandling for mindreårige, adgangsforbud til sport og omklædning, og i nogle tilfælde overvågning af forældre, der støtter deres transbørn
Modstand mod vacciner og sundhedspolitik: Under dække af “religiøs frihed” blev vaccinekrav aktivt modarbejdet under pandemien.
Trusler mod skolebestyrelser: Forældregrupper, støttet af højrefløjen, har chikaneret lærere og skoleledelser for at undervise i racisme, køn og mangfoldighed.
Kristen udenrigspolitik: Evangeliske kræfter presser på for ubetinget støtte til Israel, ikke af hensyn til diplomati – men fordi det passer ind i deres endetidsprofeti.
Flere børn – det er, hvad Republikanerne presser på for: at par (selvfølgelig kun heteroseksuelle) skal få flere børn. Og måske ville det også være bedst, hvis kvinder blev hjemme og opfostrede dem. I nogle tilfælde forsøger de endda at begrænse adgangen til prævention (jeg regner “fortrydelsespillen” som prævention).
Klimaforandringer? Gud skabte Jorden, og derfor er klimaet perfekt. Klimaforebyggelse er nonsens, for det er Gud, der styrer det. Trump of de konservative tror principielt ikke på menneskeskabte klimaforanddringer. De har lukket stort set alle klimaindsatser ned og satser i stedet hårdt på olie og kul. Det er lidt drevet af religion, men det kommer nok mest fra de konservative og spilder over i den anden retning.
Det hele hænger sammen i én stor fortælling om kontrol, frygt og ønsket om at skrue tiden tilbage til.. til hvem ved.
Det skal lige siges at der nok ikke er nogen der tror at Trump er religiøs. Men alle kan holde sig for næsen så længe han leverer varene.
Der er (endnu) ikke nogle af disse tiltag der har ramt San Diego hvor jeg bor, men skolemøderne er blevet mere.. dramatiske, da jeg bor i et ret konservativt område. De røde konservative stater er blevet hårdest ramt indtil videre, men Trump vil gerne indføre dette på føderalt niveau.
Mere info
DeSantis says Black people benefited from slavery by learning skills like 'being a blacksmith'
Trump has put Christian nationalists in key roles – say a prayer for free speech
Here's how Trump's Faith Office and task force against 'anti-Christian bias' may
Eradicating Anti-Christian Bias – The White House
